[-empyre-] detention vs movement violence (kinopolitics and Femicide)

Ricardo Dominguez rrdominguez at ucsd.edu
Sat Feb 13 01:16:24 AEDT 2016


Hola Tod at s y Christina,

The question of aesthetics routing around the either/or, and/both, and 
perhaps a neither/nor sensibilities, are extremely important in
thinking otherwise-of allowing an anti-anti-utopianism to have breath 
and voice-in the uncanny valley of borders across the arcs of the world. 
Borders have become sites of geo-trauma sties that continue to echo 
deeply in the somatic architecture of bodies at the deepest levels over 
the last few centuries, from slave-economies to the Irish to Jews to 
braceros-it is seems to be a past-forward culture of the most negative 
kind. And the question of foregrounding the way that a critical 
aesthetics, of a non-relational-relationality that is not us or them, 
can give us an alter-affects is for me extremely important and the art 
gesture you have linked us to Christina has to be done. (And our own 
gestures as Electronic Disturbance Theater/b.a.n.g lab have attempted to 
connect to these practices directly and indirectly: /The Transborder 
Immigrant Tool/La herramienta transfronteriza para inmigrantes: 
http://ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=744 ).

/Abrazos, Ricardo

On 2/11/16 4:50 PM, Christina McPhee wrote:
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> Speaking of movement violence and femicide strongly brings to mind the artist and writer Etel Adnan’s sublime novel (1973), “Sitt Marie Rose.” Set during the Lebanese Civil War and based on a true story, Sitt Marie Rose follows the movements and ultimate execution of a person whose affiliations across enemy lines conflicts with her filiations (family, brothers, sisters, religious identification).  Marie Rose refuses to give up teaching Palestinian children in a refugee camp
> across enemy lines from her home base in Christian Lebanon.
>
> "How can one resist without deploying the language of opposition, struggle, and enmity that forms the conceptual arsenal of war? How can one form a collective “we” of resistance without creating an opposite “them”? To what extent does literature resist the very discourse of war that distinguishes between friend and enemy camps? Beyond the mere refusal of war, Sitt Marie Rose points to ways of conceiving conflict otherwise, not as a struggle of arms but as a contest for speech. The novel gestures toward a forum where the political can emerge other than in the warring binaries of friendship and enmity—a trap it eludes, I will argue, via narrative representation, “ writes Olivia C. Harrison in an essay on the novel (Resistances of Literature: Strategies of Narrative Affiliation in Etel Adnan’s Sitt Marie Rose, Post-Colonial Text, vol 5, no. 1 2009)
>   
> This is why I am continuing to bring up examples of migration-trauma literature and story telling as a thread in this discussion. Its political power is not to be underestimated.
>
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> Christina
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> https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sitt_Marie_Rose
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> http://christinamcphee.net
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> Ricardo notes, "As I like to say to my students: "Do we fear the walking dead, because they are dead or because they are walking?" We fear those that move differently”.
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>> On Feb 11, 2016, at 3:41 PM, Murat Nemet-Nejat <muratnn at gmail.com> wrote:
>>
>> ----------empyre- soft-skinned space----------------------
>> Ricardo,
>>
>> Does kinopolitics concern itself only with human flows, what about the flow of jobs across state lines where the workers stay static? Both are political/economic migrations where the concept of nation states is weakened. But do, or don't, these different migrations have different ethical consequences?
>>
>> Ciao,
>> Murat
>>
>> On Thu, Feb 11, 2016 at 10:14 AM, Ricardo Dominguez <rrdominguez at ucsd.edu> wrote:
>> ----------empyre- soft-skinned space----------------------
>> Hola Tod at s,
>>
>> The question of blocking human flows and the expanding human flows, of escape routes and fencing in becomes  (a question of kinopolitics). Kinopolitics is the theory and analysis of social motion: the politics of movement. Instead of understanding societies as
>> static systems, we look at regimes of movement both perceptible and imperceptible. Social motions that can be framed as flows, junctions,
>> and circulations-floods, flux, and vector. Immigrants and refugees are figures of movement, nomadic, that no-longer bound to rights and representation of static states-the figure who walks and unmakes the aesthetics and romance of the nation or the union. As I like to say to my students: "Do we fear the walking dead, because they are dead or because they are walking?" We fear those that move differently".
>>
>> This creates the constant need to stop, block, detain, or eliminate sectors of these walking communities.
>>
>> One of the outcomes is that containment zones like Juarez, Mexico, or spaces along political Equator, or Free Trade Zones, and Pipeline cultures is the segmentation of people as disposable or available for disposable. And more often than not women are the first to be the targets: http://www.texasobserver.org/femicide-in-juarez-is-not-a-myth/ and also worth reading is the book the Femicide Machine:
>> https://www.thing.net/~rdom/ucsd/Borders/TheFemicideMachine.pdf
>>
>> Two text that have found helpful kinopolitics are:
>>
>> Escape Routes: Control and Subversion in the 21st Century:
>> https://www.thing.net/~rdom/ucsd/Borders/Escape.pdf
>>
>> and The Figure of the Migrant
>> https://www.thing.net/~rdom/ucsd/Borders/TheMigrant.pdf
>>
>> Abrazos,
>> Ricardo
>>
>>
>>
>> On 2/10/16 7:27 PM, Irina Contreras wrote:
>>> ----------empyre- soft-skinned space----------------------
>>>
>>>
>>> Johannes,
>>>
>>> I appreciate the request to think about sexual violence as it pertains to the encampments. For myself, I think of sexual and gender based violences as direct results of colonial regime. Following people like Nicole Guidotti, I think of the way she speaks of utterances as a way to discuss how scholars "gloss over" certain facts pertaining to sexualized/gendered/racialized/classed information when producing text. That's obviously done within so many kinds of work, research, activism and scholarly texts.
>>>
>>> At the same time, I am intrigued ( I think that's the word I will use for the moment) at how we are literally surfing all over the globe at the moment in the conversation. This seems much to do with the topic at hand, right? Talking about borders and immigration etc is certainly not a tight container by all means. Not that we want it to be....
>>>
>>> Lastly, I just wanted to add in regards to the number of companies mentioned, it seems important to mention the various pipelines being constructed. I think Genie and Dow Jones both have a role in that. Which to further play connect the dots also made me think of Christina's mention of the Cherokee peoples and while a different group but a number of the pipelines throughout Canada mirroring the sexual assaults and femicide throughout these lands. So I guess again in thinking about the limits or lack of limits to thinking about borders i.e. when people are forcibly created into being borderless is where I am left...
>>>
>>> On Wed, Feb 10, 2016 at 2:17 PM, Babak Fakhamzadeh <babak.fakhamzadeh at gmail.com> wrote:
>>> ----------empyre- soft-skinned space----------------------
>>> As far as I'm aware, there are no private drivers/actors in the Syria
>>> conflict. That is, the Syrian, US, Saudi Arabian, Turkish, Iranian and
>>> several Gulf states are the only ones paying to keep the conflict
>>> going. So, if the Haliburtons, or hardware providers, would be taxed
>>> in this context, all that would happen would, essentially, be each
>>> state taxing themselves.
>>>
>>> Sure, Halliburton and its successors have made huge profits,
>>> particularly in Iraq, but at a risk. Not so much for corporate
>>> Halliburton, but for the individual employees. There is no way but to
>>> have big risks come with big rewards, meaning that it's only
>>> economically expected for the Haliburtons of this world to make lots
>>> of money.
>>>
>>> I'm not defending either conflicts in Iraq or Syria from any angle.
>>> I'm only pointing out that 'solving' the problem is not that
>>> straightforward. Probably the main problem is not the Haliburtons or
>>> pick your favourite oil companies of this world, who simply,
>>> primarily, react to opportunity (see Cockburn's The Rise of the
>>> Islamic State, https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/25407471-the-rise-of-islamic-state),
>>> it's the political desire for influence and control.
>>> In the 'west', 'the people' might be able to have some meaningful
>>> influence on steering the course of their nations, in many other
>>> countries, this is not the case, leaving warmongering autocrats to do
>>> pretty much whatever they want, and for-profits to step in to the
>>> voids they create.
>>>
>>> Hence, the conflict in Syria and its consequences.
>>>
>>> But, how did the Gulf countries manage to not take in any Syrian
>>> refugees and get away with it?
>>> --
>>> Babak Fakhamzadeh | babak.fakhamzadeh at gmail.com | http://BabakFakhamzadeh.com
>>>
>>> Ask me for my PGP public key to send me encrypted email.
>>>
>>>
>>> On Wed, Feb 10, 2016 at 8:54 PM, Ana Valdés <agora158 at gmail.com> wrote:
>>>> ----------empyre- soft-skinned space----------------------
>>>>
>>>> Johannes it was not only me, the great majority of the Latinamerican refugees coming to Europe during the 70:s are today relatively integrated in Europe and many of them come back to South America and are today's ministers in different socialdemocrats governments.
>>>> I speak mostly of Chile and Uruguay.
>>>> My point is the clue to absorb refugees was to give them tools to be selfsufficient to teach them skills necessary to manage the challenges of a new life, languages, therapy for them surviving jail and torture, family reunification for them separated from their relatives needing support, a profession or a work.
>>>> The problem is the numbers today all the resources of wealthy welfare countries as Germany Norway Sweden Danmark Finland and France are strained to give huge amounts of refugees their bare needs it means shelter medical support and food it's not enough to grant the refugees a worthy life it's only a patch for their most immediate needs.
>>>> But countries as Greece or Hungary or Serbia are not able to deal with the huge waves of refugees pouring every day from warzones.
>>>> As I wrote in an ocassion here the only ones having huge profits from the wars are the manufacturers of weapons and the owners of parallel armies as Blackwater Haliburton Dupont and many others. A way to deal with the mounting cost of fleeing refugees should be apply big taxes to all companies dealing with weapons.
>>>> Let them pay the consequences of their unethical warmongery.
>>>> Ana
>>>>
>>>> Den 10 feb 2016 18:19 skrev "Johannes Birringer" <Johannes.Birringer at brunel.ac.uk>:
>>>>> ----------empyre- soft-skinned space----------------------
>>>>>
>>>>>
>>>>> what is "kinopolitics"?
>>>>>
>>>>> just wondering as the term (referring to kino/cinema)? was not clear to me when I think Ricardo
>>>>> first brought it up...
>>>>> unless there is a link here to what, I think, P.Sloterdijk once wrote as a critique
>>>>> "political kinetics”, kinetic movement of 20th century politics of speed and displacement,
>>>>> war machines, etc
>>>>> -  i think in 1989 he even spoke of a kinetic inferno, but I doubt that at the time he
>>>>> could anticipate the current refugee migrations and displacements.
>>>>>
>>>>> thanks for your reply Isabelle, I need more time to reflect, as I think
>>>>> my question was really how the "camp" has been used as a metaphor or
>>>>> as a symbolic system by philosophers and that is not what we were
>>>>> talking about, and my confusion came from a sense of the romantic resistance
>>>>> I felt you proposed vis à vis governmental / central policy of containment (which is not in fact
>>>>> quite true for Germany,  I surmise, where regional administrations and help organizations
>>>>> in a distributed federal landscape need to take often their own initiatives for help?); Calais
>>>>> and Grande-Synthe at Dunkerque may be dfferent in that respect, but i visited facilties in the
>>>>> Saarland near a town where I grew up and managing help was done through a mix of
>>>>> local institutions and mini-NGOs, and provisions for sleep, care, food were not
>>>>> left to "Jungle" self administration and done cooperatively, I wonder actually what
>>>>> forms of governance or camp community formation happen under the circumstances,
>>>>> and how different the anticipations or hopes may be (and Ana, your case back then surely
>>>>> sounds as if you had been very fortunate).
>>>>>
>>>>> I wonder whether there would be room here to also look at some of the incidents of
>>>>> sexual violence, puportedly committed by immigrant asylum seekers staying in Germany
>>>>> at the time of the criminal offenses (Cologne e.g.), and how such violence has been used
>>>>> now against migrants by the instrumentalizing political wings and press.
>>>>>
>>>>>
>>>>> regards
>>>>> Johannes Birringer
>>>>> dap-lab
>>>>>
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