<div dir="ltr"><div><div><div>Ricardo,<br><br></div>Does kinopolitics concern itself only with human flows, what about the flow of jobs across state lines where the workers stay static? Both are political/economic migrations where the concept of nation states is weakened. But do, or don't, these different migrations have different ethical consequences? <br><br></div>Ciao,<br></div>Murat<br></div><div class="gmail_extra"><br><div class="gmail_quote">On Thu, Feb 11, 2016 at 10:14 AM, Ricardo Dominguez <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:rrdominguez@ucsd.edu" target="_blank">rrdominguez@ucsd.edu</a>></span> wrote:<br><blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0 0 0 .8ex;border-left:1px #ccc solid;padding-left:1ex">----------empyre- soft-skinned space----------------------<br>
<div bgcolor="#FFFFFF" text="#000000">
Hola Tod@s,<br>
<br>
The question of blocking human flows and the expanding human flows,
of escape routes and fencing in becomes (a question of
kinopolitics). Kinopolitics is the theory and analysis of social
motion: the politics of movement. Instead of understanding societies
as <br>
static systems, we look at regimes of movement both perceptible and
imperceptible. Social motions that can be framed as flows,
junctions,<br>
and circulations-floods, flux, and vector. Immigrants and refugees
are figures of movement, nomadic, that no-longer bound to rights and
representation of static states-the figure who walks and unmakes the
aesthetics and romance of the nation or the union. As I like to say
to my students: "Do we fear the walking dead, because they are dead
or because they are walking?" We fear those that move differently".
<br>
<br>
This creates the constant need to stop, block, detain, or eliminate
sectors of these walking communities.<br>
<br>
One of the outcomes is that containment zones like Juarez, Mexico,
or spaces along political Equator, or Free Trade Zones, and Pipeline
cultures is the segmentation of people as disposable or available
for disposable. And more often than not women are the first to be
the targets:
<a href="http://www.texasobserver.org/femicide-in-juarez-is-not-a-myth/" target="_blank">http://www.texasobserver.org/femicide-in-juarez-is-not-a-myth/</a> and
also worth reading is the book the <i>Femicide Machine</i>:<br>
<a href="https://www.thing.net/~rdom/ucsd/Borders/TheFemicideMachine.pdf" target="_blank">https://www.thing.net/~rdom/ucsd/Borders/TheFemicideMachine.pdf</a><br>
<br>
Two text that have found helpful kinopolitics are:<br>
<i><br>
</i><i>Escape Routes: Control and Subversion in the 21st Century:<br>
<a href="https://www.thing.net/~rdom/ucsd/Borders/Escape.pdf" target="_blank">https://www.thing.net/~rdom/ucsd/Borders/Escape.pdf</a></i> <br>
<br>
and <i>The Figure of the Migrant <br>
<a href="https://www.thing.net/~rdom/ucsd/Borders/TheMigrant.pdf" target="_blank">https://www.thing.net/~rdom/ucsd/Borders/TheMigrant.pdf</a><br>
<br>
</i>Abrazos,<br>
Ricardo<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<div>On 2/10/16 7:27 PM, Irina Contreras
wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote type="cite">
<pre>----------empyre- soft-skinned space----------------------</pre>
<br>
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<br>
<div dir="ltr">Johannes,
<div><br>
</div>
<div>I appreciate the request to think about sexual violence as
it pertains to the encampments. For myself, I think of sexual
and gender based violences as direct results of colonial
regime. Following people like Nicole Guidotti, I think of the
way she speaks of utterances as a way to discuss how scholars
"gloss over" certain facts pertaining to
sexualized/gendered/racialized/classed information when
producing text. That's obviously done within so many kinds of
work, research, activism and scholarly texts. </div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>At the same time, I am intrigued ( I think that's the word
I will use for the moment) at how we are literally surfing all
over the globe at the moment in the conversation. This seems
much to do with the topic at hand, right? Talking about
borders and immigration etc is certainly not a tight container
by all means. Not that we want it to be....</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>Lastly, I just wanted to add in regards to the number of
companies mentioned, it seems important to mention the various
pipelines being constructed. I think Genie and Dow Jones both
have a role in that. Which to further play connect the dots
also made me think of Christina's mention of the Cherokee
peoples and while a different group but a number of the
pipelines throughout Canada mirroring the sexual assaults and
femicide throughout these lands. So I guess again in thinking
about the limits or lack of limits to thinking about borders
i.e. when people are forcibly created into being borderless is
where I am left...</div>
</div>
<div class="gmail_extra"><br>
<div class="gmail_quote">On Wed, Feb 10, 2016 at 2:17 PM, Babak
Fakhamzadeh <span dir="ltr"><<a href="mailto:babak.fakhamzadeh@gmail.com" target="_blank">babak.fakhamzadeh@gmail.com</a>></span>
wrote:<br>
<blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0 0 0 .8ex;border-left:1px #ccc solid;padding-left:1ex">----------empyre-
soft-skinned space----------------------<br>
As far as I'm aware, there are no private drivers/actors in
the Syria<br>
conflict. That is, the Syrian, US, Saudi Arabian, Turkish,
Iranian and<br>
several Gulf states are the only ones paying to keep the
conflict<br>
going. So, if the Haliburtons, or hardware providers, would
be taxed<br>
in this context, all that would happen would, essentially,
be each<br>
state taxing themselves.<br>
<br>
Sure, Halliburton and its successors have made huge profits,<br>
particularly in Iraq, but at a risk. Not so much for
corporate<br>
Halliburton, but for the individual employees. There is no
way but to<br>
have big risks come with big rewards, meaning that it's only<br>
economically expected for the Haliburtons of this world to
make lots<br>
of money.<br>
<br>
I'm not defending either conflicts in Iraq or Syria from any
angle.<br>
I'm only pointing out that 'solving' the problem is not that<br>
straightforward. Probably the main problem is not the
Haliburtons or<br>
pick your favourite oil companies of this world, who simply,<br>
primarily, react to opportunity (see Cockburn's The Rise of
the<br>
Islamic State, <a href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/25407471-the-rise-of-islamic-state" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/25407471-the-rise-of-islamic-state</a>),<br>
it's the political desire for influence and control.<br>
In the 'west', 'the people' might be able to have some
meaningful<br>
influence on steering the course of their nations, in many
other<br>
countries, this is not the case, leaving warmongering
autocrats to do<br>
pretty much whatever they want, and for-profits to step in
to the<br>
voids they create.<br>
<br>
Hence, the conflict in Syria and its consequences.<br>
<br>
But, how did the Gulf countries manage to not take in any
Syrian<br>
refugees and get away with it?<br>
--<br>
Babak Fakhamzadeh | <a href="mailto:babak.fakhamzadeh@gmail.com" target="_blank">babak.fakhamzadeh@gmail.com</a>
| <a href="http://BabakFakhamzadeh.com" rel="noreferrer" target="_blank">http://BabakFakhamzadeh.com</a><br>
<br>
Ask me for my PGP public key to send me encrypted email.<br>
<br>
<br>
On Wed, Feb 10, 2016 at 8:54 PM, Ana Valdés <<a href="mailto:agora158@gmail.com" target="_blank"></a><a href="mailto:agora158@gmail.com" target="_blank">agora158@gmail.com</a>>
wrote:<br>
> ----------empyre- soft-skinned
space----------------------<br>
><br>
> Johannes it was not only me, the great majority of the
Latinamerican refugees coming to Europe during the 70:s are
today relatively integrated in Europe and many of them come
back to South America and are today's ministers in different
socialdemocrats governments.<br>
> I speak mostly of Chile and Uruguay.<br>
> My point is the clue to absorb refugees was to give
them tools to be selfsufficient to teach them skills
necessary to manage the challenges of a new life, languages,
therapy for them surviving jail and torture, family
reunification for them separated from their relatives
needing support, a profession or a work.<br>
> The problem is the numbers today all the resources of
wealthy welfare countries as Germany Norway Sweden Danmark
Finland and France are strained to give huge amounts of
refugees their bare needs it means shelter medical support
and food it's not enough to grant the refugees a worthy life
it's only a patch for their most immediate needs.<br>
> But countries as Greece or Hungary or Serbia are not
able to deal with the huge waves of refugees pouring every
day from warzones.<br>
> As I wrote in an ocassion here the only ones having
huge profits from the wars are the manufacturers of weapons
and the owners of parallel armies as Blackwater Haliburton
Dupont and many others. A way to deal with the mounting cost
of fleeing refugees should be apply big taxes to all
companies dealing with weapons.<br>
> Let them pay the consequences of their unethical
warmongery.<br>
> Ana<br>
<div>
<div>><br>
> Den 10 feb 2016 18:19 skrev "Johannes Birringer"
<<a href="mailto:Johannes.Birringer@brunel.ac.uk" target="_blank">Johannes.Birringer@brunel.ac.uk</a>>:<br>
>><br>
>> ----------empyre- soft-skinned
space----------------------<br>
>><br>
>><br>
>> what is "kinopolitics"?<br>
>><br>
>> just wondering as the term (referring to
kino/cinema)? was not clear to me when I think Ricardo<br>
>> first brought it up...<br>
>> unless there is a link here to what, I think,
P.Sloterdijk once wrote as a critique<br>
>> "political kinetics”, kinetic movement of 20th
century politics of speed and displacement,<br>
>> war machines, etc<br>
>> - i think in 1989 he even spoke of a kinetic
inferno, but I doubt that at the time he<br>
>> could anticipate the current refugee migrations
and displacements.<br>
>><br>
>> thanks for your reply Isabelle, I need more
time to reflect, as I think<br>
>> my question was really how the "camp" has been
used as a metaphor or<br>
>> as a symbolic system by philosophers and that
is not what we were<br>
>> talking about, and my confusion came from a
sense of the romantic resistance<br>
>> I felt you proposed vis à vis governmental /
central policy of containment (which is not in fact<br>
>> quite true for Germany, I surmise, where
regional administrations and help organizations<br>
>> in a distributed federal landscape need to take
often their own initiatives for help?); Calais<br>
>> and Grande-Synthe at Dunkerque may be dfferent
in that respect, but i visited facilties in the<br>
>> Saarland near a town where I grew up and
managing help was done through a mix of<br>
>> local institutions and mini-NGOs, and
provisions for sleep, care, food were not<br>
>> left to "Jungle" self administration and done
cooperatively, I wonder actually what<br>
>> forms of governance or camp community formation
happen under the circumstances,<br>
>> and how different the anticipations or hopes
may be (and Ana, your case back then surely<br>
>> sounds as if you had been very fortunate).<br>
>><br>
>> I wonder whether there would be room here to
also look at some of the incidents of<br>
>> sexual violence, puportedly committed by
immigrant asylum seekers staying in Germany<br>
>> at the time of the criminal offenses (Cologne
e.g.), and how such violence has been used<br>
>> now against migrants by the instrumentalizing
political wings and press.<br>
>><br>
>><br>
>> regards<br>
>> Johannes Birringer<br>
>> dap-lab<br>
>><br>
>> _______________________________________________<br>
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