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Hola Tod@s,<br>
<br>
Welcome everyone, who new to the conversation, thank you for taking
the time to share your<br>
art, research, and thoughts with us.<br>
<br>
At this moment in the dialogue we are moving into specific sites of
conflicts and what we might name as "core<br>
forced flows" points-where walking starts, as opposed, to where the
imaginary end might be.<br>
<br>
History:<br>
<br>
From Uruguayans to the current conditions in Egypt and on the
Mexico/U.S. border each with its own historical layers<br>
of long term violence (Internal wars), exploitations (Oil wars), and
social disappearance in multiple forms (as Ian has pointed in
out)-where our ethical concerns, social gaze, and focus turn away
from the spectacle of revolution to containment of its echos.<br>
(And as some have pointed out-so any of know enough about the daily
struggles that people suffer minute by minute, hour by<br>
hour, day by day....). No we cannot, but a number of you have been
on the ground, as many have shared.<br>
<br>
Art:<br>
<br>
It seems important to consider how aesthetics, ethics, and networks
can foreground, unground, and reground our<br>
gestures around these issues-and not always under the overpowering
utilitarian frame as the only manner to function in. That is to <br>
lock down a geo-poetic-system that is always kicking in vs. battery
kicking in as the only measure of a work of art. <br>
Especially, as Robert points out, ethics can be used for the
politics of cruelty.<br>
<br>
<br>
Question:<br>
<br>
Right now we are faced with 3 social impulses: 1) deportation ethos
and policies; 2) who is allowed to come in (what definitions are
used)? 3) containing the flows at a certain point (external Hotspot
borders). What differences and similarities do we see at these
political equators?<br>
<br>
We need to continue to create multilayered gestures and
dialogues-especially in conversation with researchers doing long
term studies.<br>
So back to the core question: can art and the art of networks do
something more than "hands-on" or "hands-off?" Since that limits our<br>
gestures and our imaginary.<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<div class="moz-cite-prefix">On 2/15/16 6:06 PM, Robert Irwin wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote cite="mid:56C28432.4000406@ucdavis.edu" type="cite">
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Hello everyone,<br>
I'm also new here. I was not quite sure what this would be like
when Ricardo invited me to join in for a week. I believe I've read
through most or all of this month's posts, and feel provoked in
multiple directions at once, but I'd like to chime in about one
particular angle, which I think has to do with something Ana
Valdés was getting at in a post from a few days ago.<br>
I am writing from the space of a three year project on comparative
border studies at my university (<a moz-do-not-send="true"
class="moz-txt-link-freetext"
href="http://borderstudies.ucdavis.edu/">http://borderstudies.ucdavis.edu/</a>).
We originally planned the initiative with the idea of thinking
about some different kinds of high tension border zones, including
Israel-Palestine and US-Mexico. Then, but the time we launched the
Europe crisis broke, which seems now to dominate discussion about
borders and human mobility.<br>
It is interesting to see a crisis in ethics unfold in Europe in
which some states that seem to have a self-image of being liberal
and benevolent end up acting like others that seem happy to
express themselves in an openly xenophobic and often racist way.
Immigration is ultimately addressed as a question of humanistic
ethics.<br>
However, discussions that then arise around immigration and ethics
end up focusing on certain characteristics that apply to certain
immigrants (and not others). Some liberal discourse indicates that
refugees deserve to be welcomed by Europe; it is clear that if
refugee status is the main criteria, then anyone who is not a
refugee will be sent home (this understanding of migration seems
to have constructed vision: anyone who is not a refugee would seem
to be an "economic migrant").<br>
This has troubling implications for my country, the US, which is
not one of those that tries to project an image of being liberal
and benevolent. The fear that I have, in my home context, when I
hear discourse that raises up the refugee as the most deserving of
immigrant categories, is that the millions of Mexican (and many
other) undocumented immigrants in the US will, by this same ethics
- which will likely send back everyone to sub-Sahara Africa, the
Middle East beyond Syria, and the Balkans who cannot represent
themselves as a refugee - seems to justify deporting almost all of
the eleven million undocumented immigrants presently in the US. In
other words, while portraying the welcoming of refugees as a moral
imperative might make anti-Muslim xenophobes in the US look bad,
it also might implicitly justify enacting a brutal deportation
policy, one that several presidential candidates have loudly
articulated, of rounding up everyone else and expelling them as
quickly as possible.<br>
There are other ethical arguments: in favor of protecting
children, or keeping families together, or allowing "honest
laborers" to stay - all of which imply that all kinds of others,
whether adults, or orphans, or childless couples, or the
unemployed or disabled, are less deserving, and therefore
implicitly subject to deportation.<br>
I'm also not sure what Ana meant by "hands on," but maybe I can
refer to some recent random travels in Mexico where I seem to meet
deportees wherever I go, all with personal stories to tell that
are in one way or another horrific, or my visit a few months back
to Tijuana, a dumping ground for deportees, which, as a result,
has a huge indigent population. If you haven't seen this video,
it's worth a look: <a moz-do-not-send="true"
class="moz-txt-link-freetext"
href="http://www.vice.com/es_mx/video/el-purgatorio-de-los-deportados">http://www.vice.com/es_mx/video/el-purgatorio-de-los-deportados</a>.
Anyone who has suffered the brutality of forced displacement
(deportation is one form of that) has a story to tell that make us
wonder about the ethics behind whatever laws or policies or acts
forced their removal.<br>
So my question is, should we attempt to exercise an ethics around
immigration, one that privileges one group over others? Can any
such ethics function in a way that is ultimately not as cruel as
one of just closing all borders to everyone?<br>
Regards to all,<br>
Robert<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<div class="moz-cite-prefix">On 2/15/16 7:52 AM, pau delgado
wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote
cite="mid:CAF+Faz_EyLZoVr-=TkGBmw45WjOC4vnd73D02RS7KZPzktUnng@mail.gmail.com"
type="cite">
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<div dir="ltr">Hi all,
<div><br>
</div>
<div>thanks a lot for the invitation. This is my first time
here and it is a great pleasure to be part of this
conversation.</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>I'll introduce myself in terms of 'where I come from',
highlighting some considerations that might be relevant for
the discussion. I am, like Ana, from Uruguay, a country that
– before being a country – was inhabited by semi-nomadic
people (the Charrúa people).</div>
<div>Then the territory was under the 'Corona Española'
empire, until Uruguayan 'independence' around 1825. The new
country was then populated mainly by immigrants, and Charrúa
people were (almost all) killed. As many other Uruguayans, I
am the granddaughter of a Spanish immigrant who crossed the
ocean escaping from poverty and a reality of wars and
conflicts.</div>
<div>I am now living in London, with an MA scholarship. I
don't consider myself an immigrant though, I have no plans
to stay in the North, and I did not come here looking for a
better present or a better future.</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>I would like to mention the experience lived in 'my
country' in relation to the actual 'immigrant crises'.
Uruguay hosted, in 2014, 42 Syrian refugees (not a big
number, but not that bad for a 3 million people country).
One year later, the refugees declared they wanted to leave,
protesting in front of the president's offices, saying that
their salaries were too low and that they would rather go
back to Syria or Lebanon than staying there (<a
moz-do-not-send="true"
href="http://www.reuters.com/article/us-uruguay-refugees-idUSKCN0R72C720150907"><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://www.reuters.com/article/us-uruguay-refugees-idUSKCN0R72C720150907">http://www.reuters.com/article/us-uruguay-refugees-idUSKCN0R72C720150907</a></a>).
Uruguayan people felt betrayed, most of us manage to live
with a very similar amount of money, or sometimes less
–Uruguay is not that 'boutique country' that some people
like to think, after all. Last week's discussion brought up
this idea about classes and immigration, and this might be
an interesting example to analyse. What are the actual
reasons to decide to be an immigrant? If a relatively
peaceful and 'welcoming' country like Uruguay is not enough
for a refugee to stay, then, how should we read this? How
should the economic aspects be considered in this case? </div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>Looking forward to some exchange during the week</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>Love</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>Pau</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div><br>
</div>
</div>
<div class="gmail_extra"><br>
<div class="gmail_quote">2016-02-15 12:38 GMT+00:00 Ricardo
Dominguez <span dir="ltr"><<a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="mailto:rrdominguez@ucsd.edu" target="_blank">rrdominguez@ucsd.edu</a>></span>:<br>
<blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0 0 0
.8ex;border-left:1px #ccc solid;padding-left:1ex">----------empyre-
soft-skinned space----------------------<br>
<div bgcolor="#FFFFFF" text="#000000"> Hola Tod@s,<br>
<br>
Yes, it is important to consider the ways that nomadic
flows have always been feared and also consider
necessary for<br>
whatever empire happen to be establishing border
controls. These nomadic flow have also always
established multiple<br>
forms of agency and imperceptible routes under, over,
slant, and other-wise gestures that disable and
re-enable <br>
this flows. Militant researchers have followed
immigrants and refugees who use the detention centers,
Facebook, twitter, word of mouth<br>
to establish counter-selves, counter-economies, and
counter-routes that flow outside of the normative
patterns of "rights and representation" that states
offer as border-lures and limits-even after reaching the
centers of empire. <br>
<br>
Here is a potential transborder mapping gesture that
might be considered as taking back gesture:<br>
<br>
<a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="http://bordermonitoring.eu/" target="_blank">http://bordermonitoring.eu/</a><br>
<br>
Also, alternative-communication networks that are more
over-ground-than under-ground:<br>
<br>
<a moz-do-not-send="true"
href="http://www.refugeeradionetwork.net/"
target="_blank">http://www.refugeeradionetwork.net/</a><br>
<br>
And yes, I do believe that art can illuminate and open
alter-passages, as in the poetry that Amy Sara Carroll
wrote for<br>
the Transborder Immigrant Tool-that the right wing in
the U.S. stated "dissolved the U.S. border."<br>
<br>
Abrazos,<br>
Ricardo<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<br>
<div>On 2/14/16 12:31 PM, Irina Contreras wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote type="cite">
<pre>----------empyre- soft-skinned space----------------------</pre>
<br>
<fieldset></fieldset>
<br>
<div dir="ltr">Ana, your comment on the last thread
also reminded me of the ways that surveillance can
be taken back in a sense...
<div><br>
</div>
<div>Certainly within the sense of the way that
Trans Immigrant Border Tool was brought up but I
am also wondering about some of the things brought
up around "criminality" and the way that it is
used to justify encampments, policies, policing
etc seems relevant. For example, even thinking
about the ways things can be used/taken back also
made me think of discussions around El Chapo and
the tunnel system recently used for him to escape.</div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>Coming back around to some comments you made
earlier too Christina around the importance of
narratives/storytelling as a part of this
dialogue. I have to admit I wrestle a bit with the
poetry aspect of the project so I would love to
hear more about how you see it.</div>
</div>
<div class="gmail_extra"><br>
<div class="gmail_quote">On Fri, Feb 12, 2016 at
11:24 AM, Christina McPhee <span dir="ltr"><<a
moz-do-not-send="true"
class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated"
href="mailto:naxsmash@mac.com"><a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:naxsmash@mac.com">naxsmash@mac.com</a></a>></span>
wrote:<br>
<blockquote class="gmail_quote" style="margin:0 0
0 .8ex;border-left:1px #ccc
solid;padding-left:1ex">----------empyre-
soft-skinned space----------------------<br>
<div style="word-wrap:break-word">Yes, yes,
Ricardo! The Transborder Immigrant Tool has
been a huge inspiration to me— by indirect
modes through the network and personally in
conversation with your colleague and mutual
friend Brett Stalbaum.
<div><br>
</div>
<div>With the double negative line of thought
(anti-anti-utopianism) in mind, our works
could slipstream through- elude and elide
through what appear to be ’the new normal’
or ‘ordinary’ times— ‘ . A gorgeous example
of poetry (AS)</div>
<div>literally tool for survival : </div>
<div><br>
</div>
<div>
<p style="margin:0px 0px
1.714em;padding:0px;border:0px;outline:0px;font-size:14.40000057220459px;font-family:calluna-1,calluna-2,Georgia,serif;vertical-align:baseline;color:rgb(26,26,26)"><br>
</p>
<p style="margin:0px 0px
1.714em;padding:0px;border:0px;outline:0px;font-size:14.40000057220459px;font-family:calluna-1,calluna-2,Georgia,serif;vertical-align:baseline;color:rgb(26,26,26)"><em
style="margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;outline:0px;font-size:14.40000057220459px;font-family:inherit;vertical-align:baseline">Climb
or walk in the morning. Rest midday
beneath creosote<br>
bush or mesquite, insulating yourself
from the superheated <br>
ground. Remember-even the sidewinder
hovercrafts, the bulk of<br>
its body above the scalding sand as it
leaves its trademark<br>
J-shaped tracks across the desert dunes.</em></p>
<div><br>
</div>
</div>
<div>from <span
style="color:rgb(26,26,26);font-family:calluna-1,calluna-2,Georgia,serif;font-size:14px">The </span><em
style="color:rgb(26,26,26);font-family:inherit;font-size:14.40000057220459px;margin:0px;padding:0px;border:0px;outline:0px;vertical-align:baseline">Transborder
Immigrant Tool</em><span
style="color:rgb(26,26,26);font-family:calluna-1,calluna-2,Georgia,serif;font-size:14px"> </span><font
face="calluna-1, calluna-2, Georgia,
serif" color="#1a1a1a"><span
style="font-size:14px">book "The Desert
Survival Series/ La Serie De
Sobrevivencia Del Desierto.” </span></font></div>
<div><span
style="color:rgb(26,26,26);font-family:calluna-1,calluna-2,Georgia,serif;font-size:14px"><br>
</span></div>
<div><font face="calluna-1, calluna-2,
Georgia, serif" color="#1a1a1a"><span
style="font-size:14px"><a
moz-do-not-send="true"
class="moz-txt-link-freetext"
href="http://jacket2.org/commentary/water-poetry-and-transborder-immigrant-tool"><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://jacket2.org/commentary/water-poetry-and-transborder-immigrant-tool">http://jacket2.org/commentary/water-poetry-and-transborder-immigrant-tool</a></a></span></font></div>
<div><font face="calluna-1, calluna-2,
Georgia, serif" color="#1a1a1a"><span
style="font-size:14px"><br>
</span></font></div>
<div><font face="calluna-1, calluna-2,
Georgia, serif" color="#1a1a1a"><span
style="font-size:14px"><br>
</span></font></div>
<div><font face="calluna-1, calluna-2,
Georgia, serif" color="#1a1a1a"><span
style="font-size:14px"><br>
</span></font></div>
<div>
<div><br>
<div>
<blockquote type="cite">
<div>On Feb 12, 2016, at 2:16 PM,
Ricardo Dominguez <<a
moz-do-not-send="true"
class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated"
href="mailto:rrdominguez@ucsd.edu"><a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:rrdominguez@ucsd.edu">rrdominguez@ucsd.edu</a></a>>
wrote:</div>
<br>
<div>----------empyre- soft-skinned
space----------------------<br>
<div bgcolor="#FFFFFF"
text="#000000"> Hola Tod@s y
Christina,<br>
<br>
The question of aesthetics routing
around the either/or, and/both,
and perhaps a neither/nor
sensibilities, are extremely
important in<br>
thinking otherwise-of allowing an
anti-anti-utopianism to have
breath and voice-in the uncanny
valley of borders across the arcs
of the world. Borders have become
sites of geo-trauma sties that
continue to echo deeply in the
somatic architecture of bodies at
the deepest levels over the last
few centuries, from
slave-economies to the Irish to
Jews to braceros-it is seems to be
a past-forward culture of the most
negative kind. And the question of
foregrounding the way that a
critical aesthetics, of a
non-relational-relationality that
is not us or them, can give us an
alter-affects is for me extremely
important and the art gesture you
have linked us to Christina has to
be done. (And our own gestures as
Electronic Disturbance
Theater/b.a.n.g lab have attempted
to connect to these practices
directly and indirectly: <i>The
Transborder Immigrant Tool/La
herramienta transfronteriza para
inmigrantes: <a
moz-do-not-send="true"
class="moz-txt-link-freetext"
href="http://ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=744"><a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=744">http://ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=744</a></a>
). <br>
<br>
</i>Abrazos, Ricardo <span></span>
<span></span><br>
<br>
<div>On 2/11/16 4:50 PM, Christina
McPhee wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote type="cite">
<pre>----------empyre- soft-skinned space----------------------
Speaking of movement violence and femicide strongly brings to mind the artist and writer Etel Adnan’s sublime novel (1973), “Sitt Marie Rose.” Set during the Lebanese Civil War and based on a true story, Sitt Marie Rose follows the movements and ultimate execution of a person whose affiliations across enemy lines conflicts with her filiations (family, brothers, sisters, religious identification). Marie Rose refuses to give up teaching Palestinian children in a refugee camp
across enemy lines from her home base in Christian Lebanon.
"How can one resist without deploying the language of opposition, struggle, and enmity that forms the conceptual arsenal of war? How can one form a collective “we” of resistance without creating an opposite “them”? To what extent does literature resist the very discourse of war that distinguishes between friend and enemy camps? Beyond the mere refusal of war, Sitt Marie Rose points to ways of conceiving conflict otherwise, not as a struggle of arms but as a contest for speech. The novel gestures toward a forum where the political can emerge other than in the warring binaries of friendship and enmity—a trap it eludes, I will argue, via narrative representation, “ writes Olivia C. Harrison in an essay on the novel (Resistances of Literature: Strategies of Narrative Affiliation in Etel Adnan’s Sitt Marie Rose, Post-Colonial Text, vol 5, no. 1 2009)
This is why I am continuing to bring up examples of migration-trauma literature and story telling as a thread in this discussion. Its political power is not to be underestimated.
Christina
<a moz-do-not-send="true" href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sitt_Marie_Rose" target="_blank">https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sitt_Marie_Rose</a>
<a moz-do-not-send="true" href="http://christinamcphee.net/" target="_blank">http://christinamcphee.net</a>
Ricardo notes, "As I like to say to my students: "Do we fear the walking dead, because they are dead or because they are walking?" We fear those that move differently”.
</pre>
<blockquote type="cite">
<pre>On Feb 11, 2016, at 3:41 PM, Murat Nemet-Nejat <a moz-do-not-send="true" href="mailto:muratnn@gmail.com" target="_blank"><muratnn@gmail.com></a> wrote:
----------empyre- soft-skinned space----------------------
Ricardo,
Does kinopolitics concern itself only with human flows, what about the flow of jobs across state lines where the workers stay static? Both are political/economic migrations where the concept of nation states is weakened. But do, or don't, these different migrations have different ethical consequences?
Ciao,
Murat
On Thu, Feb 11, 2016 at 10:14 AM, Ricardo Dominguez <a moz-do-not-send="true" href="mailto:rrdominguez@ucsd.edu" target="_blank"><rrdominguez@ucsd.edu></a> wrote:
----------empyre- soft-skinned space----------------------
Hola Tod@s,
The question of blocking human flows and the expanding human flows, of escape routes and fencing in becomes (a question of kinopolitics). Kinopolitics is the theory and analysis of social motion: the politics of movement. Instead of understanding societies as
static systems, we look at regimes of movement both perceptible and imperceptible. Social motions that can be framed as flows, junctions,
and circulations-floods, flux, and vector. Immigrants and refugees are figures of movement, nomadic, that no-longer bound to rights and representation of static states-the figure who walks and unmakes the aesthetics and romance of the nation or the union. As I like to say to my students: "Do we fear the walking dead, because they are dead or because they are walking?" We fear those that move differently".
This creates the constant need to stop, block, detain, or eliminate sectors of these walking communities.
One of the outcomes is that containment zones like Juarez, Mexico, or spaces along political Equator, or Free Trade Zones, and Pipeline cultures is the segmentation of people as disposable or available for disposable. And more often than not women are the first to be the targets: <a moz-do-not-send="true" href="http://www.texasobserver.org/femicide-in-juarez-is-not-a-myth/" target="_blank">http://www.texasobserver.org/femicide-in-juarez-is-not-a-myth/</a> and also worth reading is the book the Femicide Machine:
<a moz-do-not-send="true" href="https://www.thing.net/%7Erdom/ucsd/Borders/TheFemicideMachine.pdf" target="_blank">https://www.thing.net/~rdom/ucsd/Borders/TheFemicideMachine.pdf</a>
Two text that have found helpful kinopolitics are:
Escape Routes: Control and Subversion in the 21st Century:
<a moz-do-not-send="true" href="https://www.thing.net/%7Erdom/ucsd/Borders/Escape.pdf" target="_blank">https://www.thing.net/~rdom/ucsd/Borders/Escape.pdf</a>
and The Figure of the Migrant
<a moz-do-not-send="true" href="https://www.thing.net/%7Erdom/ucsd/Borders/TheMigrant.pdf" target="_blank">https://www.thing.net/~rdom/ucsd/Borders/TheMigrant.pdf</a>
Abrazos,
Ricardo
On 2/10/16 7:27 PM, Irina Contreras wrote:
</pre>
<blockquote type="cite">
<pre>----------empyre- soft-skinned space----------------------
Johannes,
I appreciate the request to think about sexual violence as it pertains to the encampments. For myself, I think of sexual and gender based violences as direct results of colonial regime. Following people like Nicole Guidotti, I think of the way she speaks of utterances as a way to discuss how scholars "gloss over" certain facts pertaining to sexualized/gendered/racialized/classed information when producing text. That's obviously done within so many kinds of work, research, activism and scholarly texts.
At the same time, I am intrigued ( I think that's the word I will use for the moment) at how we are literally surfing all over the globe at the moment in the conversation. This seems much to do with the topic at hand, right? Talking about borders and immigration etc is certainly not a tight container by all means. Not that we want it to be....
Lastly, I just wanted to add in regards to the number of companies mentioned, it seems important to mention the various pipelines being constructed. I think Genie and Dow Jones both have a role in that. Which to further play connect the dots also made me think of Christina's mention of the Cherokee peoples and while a different group but a number of the pipelines throughout Canada mirroring the sexual assaults and femicide throughout these lands. So I guess again in thinking about the limits or lack of limits to thinking about borders i.e. when people are forcibly created into being borderless is where I am left...
On Wed, Feb 10, 2016 at 2:17 PM, Babak Fakhamzadeh <a moz-do-not-send="true" href="mailto:babak.fakhamzadeh@gmail.com" target="_blank"><babak.fakhamzadeh@gmail.com></a> wrote:
----------empyre- soft-skinned space----------------------
As far as I'm aware, there are no private drivers/actors in the Syria
conflict. That is, the Syrian, US, Saudi Arabian, Turkish, Iranian and
several Gulf states are the only ones paying to keep the conflict
going. So, if the Haliburtons, or hardware providers, would be taxed
in this context, all that would happen would, essentially, be each
state taxing themselves.
Sure, Halliburton and its successors have made huge profits,
particularly in Iraq, but at a risk. Not so much for corporate
Halliburton, but for the individual employees. There is no way but to
have big risks come with big rewards, meaning that it's only
economically expected for the Haliburtons of this world to make lots
of money.
I'm not defending either conflicts in Iraq or Syria from any angle.
I'm only pointing out that 'solving' the problem is not that
straightforward. Probably the main problem is not the Haliburtons or
pick your favourite oil companies of this world, who simply,
primarily, react to opportunity (see Cockburn's The Rise of the
Islamic State, <a moz-do-not-send="true" href="https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/25407471-the-rise-of-islamic-state" target="_blank">https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/25407471-the-rise-of-islamic-state</a>),
it's the political desire for influence and control.
In the 'west', 'the people' might be able to have some meaningful
influence on steering the course of their nations, in many other
countries, this is not the case, leaving warmongering autocrats to do
pretty much whatever they want, and for-profits to step in to the
voids they create.
Hence, the conflict in Syria and its consequences.
But, how did the Gulf countries manage to not take in any Syrian
refugees and get away with it?
--
Babak Fakhamzadeh | <a moz-do-not-send="true" href="mailto:babak.fakhamzadeh@gmail.com" target="_blank">babak.fakhamzadeh@gmail.com</a> | <a moz-do-not-send="true" href="http://babakfakhamzadeh.com/" target="_blank">http://BabakFakhamzadeh.com</a>
Ask me for my PGP public key to send me encrypted email.
On Wed, Feb 10, 2016 at 8:54 PM, Ana Valdés <a moz-do-not-send="true" href="mailto:agora158@gmail.com" target="_blank"><agora158@gmail.com></a> wrote:
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Johannes it was not only me, the great majority of the Latinamerican refugees coming to Europe during the 70:s are today relatively integrated in Europe and many of them come back to South America and are today's ministers in different socialdemocrats governments.
I speak mostly of Chile and Uruguay.
My point is the clue to absorb refugees was to give them tools to be selfsufficient to teach them skills necessary to manage the challenges of a new life, languages, therapy for them surviving jail and torture, family reunification for them separated from their relatives needing support, a profession or a work.
The problem is the numbers today all the resources of wealthy welfare countries as Germany Norway Sweden Danmark Finland and France are strained to give huge amounts of refugees their bare needs it means shelter medical support and food it's not enough to grant the refugees a worthy life it's only a patch for their most immediate needs.
But countries as Greece or Hungary or Serbia are not able to deal with the huge waves of refugees pouring every day from warzones.
As I wrote in an ocassion here the only ones having huge profits from the wars are the manufacturers of weapons and the owners of parallel armies as Blackwater Haliburton Dupont and many others. A way to deal with the mounting cost of fleeing refugees should be apply big taxes to all companies dealing with weapons.
Let them pay the consequences of their unethical warmongery.
Ana
Den 10 feb 2016 18:19 skrev "Johannes Birringer" <a moz-do-not-send="true" href="mailto:Johannes.Birringer@brunel.ac.uk" target="_blank"><Johannes.Birringer@brunel.ac.uk></a>:
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what is "kinopolitics"?
just wondering as the term (referring to kino/cinema)? was not clear to me when I think Ricardo
first brought it up...
unless there is a link here to what, I think, P.Sloterdijk once wrote as a critique
"political kinetics”, kinetic movement of 20th century politics of speed and displacement,
war machines, etc
- i think in 1989 he even spoke of a kinetic inferno, but I doubt that at the time he
could anticipate the current refugee migrations and displacements.
thanks for your reply Isabelle, I need more time to reflect, as I think
my question was really how the "camp" has been used as a metaphor or
as a symbolic system by philosophers and that is not what we were
talking about, and my confusion came from a sense of the romantic resistance
I felt you proposed vis à vis governmental / central policy of containment (which is not in fact
quite true for Germany, I surmise, where regional administrations and help organizations
in a distributed federal landscape need to take often their own initiatives for help?); Calais
and Grande-Synthe at Dunkerque may be dfferent in that respect, but i visited facilties in the
Saarland near a town where I grew up and managing help was done through a mix of
local institutions and mini-NGOs, and provisions for sleep, care, food were not
left to "Jungle" self administration and done cooperatively, I wonder actually what
forms of governance or camp community formation happen under the circumstances,
and how different the anticipations or hopes may be (and Ana, your case back then surely
sounds as if you had been very fortunate).
I wonder whether there would be room here to also look at some of the incidents of
sexual violence, puportedly committed by immigrant asylum seekers staying in Germany
at the time of the criminal offenses (Cologne e.g.), and how such violence has been used
now against migrants by the instrumentalizing political wings and press.
regards
Johannes Birringer
dap-lab
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