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<div class="moz-cite-prefix">On 17/04/16 08:00, Johannes Birringer
wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote
cite="mid:899F3B65F6A5C8419026D0262D3CECB82E57EA18@v-ex10mb2.academic.windsor"
type="cite">
<pre wrap="">black
Maori cultural work -- could you tell us more how they perceive "collapsed time"?</pre>
</blockquote>
several accounts exist, weighty with references, hardly liquid at
all, like this one:
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="http://press.anu.edu.au//austronesians/inside/mobile_devices/ch08s06.html">http://press.anu.edu.au//austronesians/inside/mobile_devices/ch08s06.html</a><br>
<br>
My own sense of the marae's collapsed time, in the sense of senses,
including somatic orientation, and, in the title of the volume
Richard Kearney recently edited, 'carnal hermeneutics', finds an
additional orientation in Gilles Deleuze ... already weighing us
down with references!<br>
<br>
Paul Tapsell provided the keynote for the conference Johannes refers
to, where I conducted a workshop in a theatre form developed from
several years work with Minus Theatre, <i>theatre of individual
life</i>. Paul, of Ngāti Whakaue and Ngāti Raukawa, spoke of the
collapsed time of the marae, where ancestors (Tipuna) and gods
(Atua) are actively present; he also spoke of the marae as the
parliaments of Maori, 800 of them existing before European
settlement, where the women were the "economists" and the men and
women were and are in audience before the Tipuna and Atua, the
Taonga adorning the Wharenui: so there is a relationship between
time and power (political economy) on the marae. Note that between
these 800 marae were apportioned every square inch of mountain,
stream and land of Aotearoa, a distribution that was itself fluid
and to each marae belonged a number not exceeding 180 people, the
maximum before the decision-making processes, self-sufficiency and
autonomy of marae would be difficult to manage. Naturally, European
settlement has forever taken power from marae, first by force, now
under law, even under conditions of reconciliation. The Waitangi
Tribunal, as Paul said, does not recognise marae as bases of power
and the government will not negotiate with them; it will only pay
out 'settlements' and agree to the sums involved to the legally
recognised entities of Iwi and the representatives of these,
predominantly male. It might be said that the time structure goes
ignored with the power structure of Maori.<br>
<br>
I realise I am here concerned with the imbrication of political
economy and collapsed time, which is timely I think. It also speaks
to the compound of time found in Deleuze's notion of the time-image
that too has a political component.<br>
<br>
Johannes asks about a certain instrumentation communicating "beyond
racial terms", when within racial terms, those of Maori, marae
became at the end of the 19th century places the power of which came
from them as places of death, <i>beyond</i> itself. At this time
the marae's main use was for the ritual of death, the Tangihanga,
leading to the rise of the priestly caste, Tohunga, who thereat
officiated, and further to the Prophet Movement of Maori messianism.
This last was quashed under the Tohunga Suppression Act of 1907. The
shift in "sites of mourning and recovery" it appears "connect us
all" in racial terms communicated under the instrumentation of the
law.<br>
<br>
Best,<br>
Simon<br>
<br>
<br>
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