Re: [-empyre-] Re: empyre Digest, Vol 15, Issue 2
Dear friends,
Sorry of my awful Anglophone writing; as usually I apologize. You have the
FR version below to have a better translation from your part...
Revolt / Faction / Insubordination / Revolt / Resistance/
All about the freedom of the critical thought and acts but at first which is
the context of our loosing freedom?
Quarrelling in these times so limit for our liberties, it is sad but
understandable. The passion is all among these debates, here or somewhere
else, when all the particular or collective liberties, and in all their
particular or general frames, are led astray to the point that never the
whole world at the same time was so avaricious of freedom: whether it is
because of the faith, in front of the failure of materialist societies or of
the overtaking of the post political economy, or because of the powers
independent from the electoral project (must be elected at all costs) to
mask misinforming regimes beyond their democratic facade.
Freedom of the thought and to represent it (texts, art performances or other
forms): the subject is dangerous and bitter but must be faced, because it is
vital. It is always a local subject dependent on the way the national
collective symbolic pacts of which were strangely established and strangely
ran in a common or exceptional way in their self-history, but suddenly
updated by changes of the law, or actually under the influence of the world
governance and\or the actual US dominion, or still the last little
imperialist objects from the part of lobbies connected to local powers, as
well in their own countries as in their countries of intervention.
Forgive me if at the cost of the Australian sedition I propose, to widen the
debate on the bottom, our local definition which is the opposite, inherited
from the revolution of 1989, from republics, from democracies and from
European dictatorships, and from the resistance against the Nazis.
"Sedition" for us French it sees its antonym in "insubordination". We know
of the seditious States or seditious armies - always the part of the power.
We know of insubordination always the side of the people claiming his/her
individual rights against the common law (then we call it "revolt"), or
his/her common laws against the sedition by the power (then the
insubordination is named "resistance").
But before advancing in the very subject, to avoid any misunderstanding it
is necessary to quote the event come explode in the figure of Diasporas in
Europe, since the beginning of the month, which comes to weigh down
subjectively the thematic proposed in "sedition": In front of the triumphant
election of Hamas with 73 % of the expressed votes, in Palestine, it is the
constitution of a double mass in the European democratic citizenships
between Moslems and not Moslems (and in emerging countries occupied by the
United States, between global military power and local religious or symbolic
resistances), increased by the abuse of the European government to have
threatened Palestine of embargo: what establishes a supplementary obvious
intervention in Palestine, besides that the agreements of Oslo put Palestine
under the economic and institutional authority of Israel, what gave no
chance of autonomy and broke the syncretism power of Fatah, its credibility,
and its integrity.
I do not ask to the curators to let us discuss it here, it is irrelevant;
but treating the problem of the loss of the intercontinental western
liberties without reminding the current confusion between straight ahead,
revolt, insubordination, consensus and faith, such as we undergo them in
Europe under the blow of the business wanted by Bush US Army in the Middle
East and having contributed to build Talibans against the Soviet citizens in
Afghanistan, seemed to me impossible.
Because American Patriot act which inspires all the security against the
legislation of freedom in the democratic countries of the world is the
current frame making the due pact of all the forces of the NATO to US, in
the name of the fight against the terrorism and against the emigration, and
bases itself on September 11th, 2001.
An evident xenophobia seizes Europe, whether it is under the cover of
security, or under the cover of the economic agreements of Maastricht,
whereas the powers contradictorily call it to the community surges which in
return accelerates civil divisions and the loss of the consensus which
legitimizes on the liberties to think.
We so attend situations totally beyond any international democratic rule;
respectful protocol of rules so local as international of the democracy was
not to credit first of all the refusal of Fatah to take into account its
electoral defeat, until create him as potentially seditious to the eyes of
people who did not want it any more, and to humble a little more this one to
reject the vote a priori, but to wait for the proposition of Hamas to Fatah,
and to notice in the act even if it was exclusive or not exclusive,
independently of the credible hypotheses or the interpretations. Or
misinforming or partisan interpretations.
I do not value the majority vote which sometimes plebiscite to be able to
dictatorial, but I think that the difficult circumstances made to the way of
life of the Palestinian people logically had to give some day a way of law
to the most radical resistant communities, even if as layman I regret the
failure of Fatah which represented at first the multicommon Palestinian
society. So goes the war and its obstinacy that it toughens the object of
the fights; it was on this mode of the nationalist communist liberations,
and we notice that it's the same of the religious radicalism involved in the
war - by the war which is made for it.
To end on this point, I content with quoting Haidar Eid, Palestinian native
of Naplouse, Marxist that we cannot qualify as religious fundamentalist;
exiled to study philosophy in the United States, he exceeded with the end of
his PHD the term of the possibility of his legal return in Palestine, and he
met as professor in human sciences to the university of Soweto, the emergent
university in young South Africa in this time. He sent me by a friend this
predictable text on the question of freedom and of autonomy, regarding
Gramsci and Qatamesh notebooks of prison, that we published in
criticalsecret #7 article " Divided reality "
http://www.criticalsecret.com/n7 , in 2001, which seems to me of an
exceptional relevance today. Haidar Eid: alternative " Ahmed Qatamesh "
Reformulating the, Palestinian let us take snuff notebooks ", review and
analysis " http://www.criticalsecret.com/n7/eidoriginal.html
(the text running in the page from left to right).
I have other more precise ideas on the device of the war, on the questions
of freedom as it is about democratic or republican inheritances, and also
about reasons for which maybe we forgot that the most free States can make a
mistake having called security in default of established critical rights and
to respect them... we have to prevent the abnormalities such as we know them
everywhere today.
But already let us see...
===================================
Chers amis,
Sédition/ Faction/ Insoumission/ Révolte/ Résistance/
Se disputer en des temps aussi limites pour nos libertés, est triste, mais
compréhensible. La passion est de tous ces débats, ici ou ailleurs, quand
toutes les libertés particulières ou collectives, et dans tous leurs cadres
particuliers ou généraux, sont dévoyés au point que jamais le monde entier
en même temps n'a été aussi avare de liberté : que ce soit à cause de la
croyance, devant l'échec des sociétés matérialistes ou le dépassement de
l'économie politique, ou à cause des pouvoirs indépendants du projet
électoral (en dehors de devoir être élus à tout prix), pour masquer des
régimes désinformants au-delà de leur façade démocratique.
Liberté : le sujet est dangereux et âpre mais doit être affronté, car il est
vital. C'est toujours un sujet local dépendant de la façon dont les pactes
symboliques collectifs nationaux ont été singulièrement institués et se sont
singulièrement exécutés de façon courante ou exceptionnelle dans leur
histoire, soudain actualisés par des changements de droit ou de fait sous
l'effet de la gouvernance mondiale et/ou la domination américaine, ou encore
les dernières prétentions impérialistes des lobbies liés à des pouvoirs
locaux dans leurs propres pays ou dans leurs pays d'intervention.
Pardonnez-moi si aux dépens de la loi australienne je propose, pour élargir
le débat sur le fond, notre définition locale qui en est le contraire,
héritée de la révolution de 1989, des républiques, des démocraties et des
dictatures européennes, et de la résistance contre les nazis.
"Sédition" pour nous français voit son antonyme dans "insoumission". Nous
connaissons la sédition des Etats ou des armées factieux - toujours le côté
du pouvoir d'Etat ; et l'insoumission : toujours le côté du peuple
revendiquant ses droits individuels contre le droit commun (alors on appelle
cela "révolte"), ou ses droits communs contre la sédition du pouvoir (alors
l'insoumission se nomme "résistance").
Mais avant d'avancer dans le sujet lui-même, pour éviter tout malentendu il
faut citer l'événement venu exploser à la figure des diasporas en Europe,
depuis le début du mois, qui vient alourdir subjectivement et affectivement
le thème proposé de "sédition" : face à l'élection triomphante du Hamas avec
73% des votes exprimés, en Palestine, c'est la constitution d'une masse
double dans les citoyennetés démocratiques européennes entre musulmans et
non musulmans (et dans les pays émergents occupés par les Etats-Unis, entre
pouvoir militaire global et résistances religieuses ou symboliques locales),
accrue par l'abus du gouvernement européen d'avoir menacé la Palestine
d'embargo : ce qui constitue une ingérence manifeste supplémentaire en
Palestine, en outre que les accords d'Oslo l'aient mise de fait sous
l'autorité économique et institutionnelle d'Israël, ce qui ne donnait aucune
chance d'autonomie et a brisé la puissance synchrétique du Fatah, sa
crédibilité, et son intégrité.
Je ne demande pas aux curateurs de nous laisser en débattre ici, c'est hors
sujet ; mais traiter le problème de la perte des libertés occidentales
intercontinentales sans rappeler la confusion actuelle entre droit,
sédition, insoumission, consensus et croyance, tels que nous les subissons
en Europe sous le coup des affaires voulues par les américains au Moyen
Orient et après avoir contribué à édifier les Talibans contre les
Soviétiques en Afghanistan, me paraissait impossible.
Car le Patriot act américain qui inspire toute la législation sécuritaire
liberticide des pays démocratiques du monde actuel cadre le pacte
exigible de toutes les forces de l'OTAN par l'amérique des Bush, au nom de
la lutte contre
le terrorisme et contre l'émigration, et se fonde le 11 septembre 2001.
Une xénophobie évidente s'empare de l'Europe, que ce soit sous couvert de
sécurité, ou sous couvert des accords économiques de Maastritch, tandis que
les pouvoirs
contradictoirement en appellent aux sursauts communautaires... qui en retour
accélèrent des divisions civiques irréconciliables et la perte du consensus
légitime sur les libertés de penser.
On assiste ainsi à des situations totalement au-delà de toute règle
démocratique internationale, protocole respectueux des règles tant locales
qu'internationales de la démocratie n'était pas de créditer en premier lieu
le refus du Fatah de prendre en compte son échec électoral, jusqu'à le faire
apparaître comme potentiellement séditieux aux yeux d'un peuple qui n'en
voulait plus, et d'humilier un peu plus celui-ci de récuser son vote a
priori, mais d'attendre la proposition du Hamas au Fatah, et de constater à
l'acte même si elle était exclusive ou non exclusive, indépendamment des
hypothèses crédibles ou des interprétations désinformantes ou partisanes.
Je ne valorise pas le vote majoritaire qui parfois plebiscite des pouvoir
dictatoriaux, mais je pense que les circonstances difficiles faites au mode
de
vie du peuple palestinien devaient logiquement donner un jour ou l'autre
voie de droit aux communautés résistantes les plus radicales, même si en
tant que laïque je déplore l'échec du Fatah qui représentait d'abord le
synchrétisme
palestinien. Ainsi va la guerre et sa persistance qu'elle radicalise l'objet
des luttes ; il en a été sur ce mode des libérations communistes
nationalistes, et on constate qu'il en est de même du radicalisme religieux
impliqué dans la guerre - par la guerre qui lui est faite.
Pour conclure sur ce point, je me contente de citer Haidar Eid, Palestinien
originaire de Naplouse, marxiste que l'on ne peut qualifier d'intégriste
religieux ; expatrié pour faire ses études de philosophie aux Etats-Unis, il
dépassa au terme de son PHD l'échéance de la possibilité de son retour légal
en Palestine, et se retrouva
professeur en sciences humaines à l'université de Soweto, université alors
émergente en Afrique du Sud. Il m'a fait parvenir par une amie ce texte
prédictible que nous avons publié dans criticalsecret #7 "Divided reality"
http://www.criticalsecret.com/n7 en 2001, qui me semble d'une pertinence
exceptionnelle aujourd'hui. Haidar Eid: " Ahmed Qatamesh « Reformulating the
alternative, palestinian prisons notebooks », review and analysis "
http://www.criticalsecret.com/n7/eidoriginal.html (dérouler la page de
gauche à droite).
J'ai d'autres idées plus précises sur le dispositif décontextualisé de la
guerre, sur les questions de liberté selon qu'il s'agisse d'héritages
démocratiques ou républicains, et aussi des raisons pour lesquelles
peut-être on ait oublié que les Etats les plus libres pouvant se tromper
doivent commencer par préserver ou instituer les droits critiques et les
respecter : pour empêcher les déviations telles que nous les connaissons
partout aujourd'hui.
Mais voyons déjà...
----- Original Message -----
From: "Gianni Wise" <gana@iinet.net.au>
To: "soft_skinned_space" <empyre@gamera.cofa.unsw.edu.au>
Sent: Monday, February 06, 2006 11:05 AM
Subject: Re: [-empyre-] Re: empyre Digest, Vol 15, Issue 2
Personally I welcome the discussion on anti sedition laws both from a
global and local perspective. We (in Australia) can only gain from
sharing histories of, politicalisation of, and strategies on sedition -
and given that the major justifications/ argument for the introduction of
this law was the hysteria generated by conservative politics in the US,
then we need to look at any discussion on anti sedition laws globally.
Nothing like this occurs in isolation. Great points Linda.
Gianni
On 06/02/2006, at 8:37 PM, linda carroli wrote:
it bothers me that the borders are evoked so easily and that the f- word
(foreigners) rolls so easily from the fingertips as an accusation of
'not having the right kind of knowledge'. at the core, some of these
issues are human rights issues and have broader implications for all
western democracies than just the specific sedition laws. they are
international or global issues. i think many people on this list will
bring the australian knowledge to this discussion.
i support the choices tracey has made and don't think she should be
expected to apologise for her selection of guests. i also welcome the
comments all those guests have to make ... this is an online discussion
list and its nature is not one of experts and non- experts nor is it
necessarily one of foreigners and nationals. it has never been the case
that this list lauds experts in this manner. the guests are simply
people with something to say and what they have to say is supposed to be
a springboard for other discussion. i also wholly appreciate the efforts
tracey and other volunteer moderators are making to tease out and
broaden the discussion about these issues in this environment
particularly in relation to human rights. this has become an
international list and i'd welcome hearing about the breadth of
experience and knowledge regarding the extent of these corruptions of
liberal democracy in this world and, as tracey identifies, the culture
of fear which seems to stop people from talking about it ... cheers.
linda
At 07:15 PM 6/02/2006, traceyb@byte-time.net wrote:
Quoting severn@acay.com.au:
<Hi blakkbyrd,
<I am responsible for putting together the list of guest this month
and
understand where you are coming from.
I dont think you do. I think it is extremely insulting to the members
of
this discussion list that you can bring in two foreigners as
"authorities"
on Australian legal issues. How patronising can you get?
There is no intention to be patronising here - and I apologise to list
members
who feel this way... my only intention was to open up a discussion
about a
topic that has serious implications for cultural producers locally and
globally
A number of people from the organisations you mentioned were invited
to be
guests but did not commit to the discussion.
Why not? Are they concerned about making public statements regarding
the
new legislation?
Yes - I do believe this could have been a reason why some of the
intended guests
did not commit..
I know that as a moderator I should try and remain impartial (and I
will attempt
to do this) BUT I personally can not subscribe to this culture of fear
that has
emerged so swiftly and silently...If this is what is happening?? Or
maybe I
have just lived in my Canberra bubble for too long??
traceyb
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